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Why Is There No Anti-War Movement in the US?

Opinion: Trump’s war on Iran is unpopular, dangerous, and escalating. But without organizing, public anger will not stop it

  español - 

Mar 02, 2026 / Eric Blanc / Labor Politics - Donald Trump’s war on Iran is very unpopular. As pollster G. Elliot Morris notes, it is the most unpopular a US war has ever been when it started. And “with just 38% of Americans in favor, support for bombing Iran is lower than retrospective support for the war in Iraq was in 2014.”

Why then has there been so little collective protest against the US-Israel offensive? Answering this question is not easy. What follows are seven hypotheses rather than definitive conclusions. But exploring why we’re lacking an anti-war movement today can help us move to actually start building one. And for the sake of Iranians, the Middle East, and working people in the US, we’d better do so as soon as possible.


Americans Feel Powerless

A key reason why so many young people in the 1960s threw themselves into the fight against US military involvement in Vietnam was that the civil rights movement had recently demonstrated the power of mass action. As Students for a Democratic Society (SDS)’s founding manifesto in 1962 put it, “the Southern struggle against racial bigotry … compelled most of us from silence to activism.” Looking back, one participant recalled that such examples of success “gave the feeling that you could actually make a difference, that you needed to take a stand.”

¿Por qué no existe un movimiento contra la guerra en Estados Unidos?

Opinión: La guerra de Trump contra Irán es impopular, peligrosa y está en aumento. Pero sin organización, la ira pública no lo detendrá.

  English -

02 de marzo de 2026 / Eric Blanc / Labor Politics - La guerra de Donald Trump contra Irán es muy impopular. Como señala el encuestador G. Elliot Morris, es la guerra más impopular que jamás haya sido en Estados Unidos cuando comenzó. Y “con solo el 38% de los estadounidenses a favor, el apoyo al bombardeo de Irán es menor que el apoyo retrospectivo a la guerra en Irak en 2014”.

¿Por qué entonces ha habido tan poca protesta colectiva contra la ofensiva estadounidense-israelí? Responder a esta pregunta no es fácil. Lo que sigue son siete hipótesis en lugar de conclusiones definitivas. Pero explorar por qué hoy nos falta un movimiento contra la guerra puede ayudarnos a empezar a construir uno. Y por el bien de los iraníes, de Oriente Medio y de los trabajadores de Estados Unidos, será mejor que lo hagamos lo antes posible.


Los estadounidenses se sienten impotentes

Una razón clave por la que tantos jóvenes en la década de 1960 se lanzaron a la lucha contra la participación militar estadounidense en Vietnam fue que el movimiento de derechos civiles había demostrado recientemente el poder de la acción de masas. Como lo expresó el manifiesto fundacional de Estudiantes por una Sociedad Democrática (SDS) en 1962, “la lucha del Sur contra la intolerancia racial… obligó a la mayoría de nosotros a pasar del silencio al activismo”. Mirando hacia atrás, un participante recordó que esos ejemplos de éxito “daban la sensación de que realmente se podía marcar la diferencia, de que era necesario adoptar una postura”.

Featured

Counter-recruitment webinar on Sat, Mar 21st -- RSVP

Dear Friends:

These are trying times. DHS agencies and the military are invading our communities. Our military is waging war or threatening war on multiple fronts.

Meanwhile, in order to maintain such an active presence on the world stage, the military needs more recruits. Recruiters are appearing at our schools, community meetings, social  media, on our phones, everywhere it seems.

At the same time, the number of groups actively involved in counter military recruitment has plummeted. The National Network Opposing Militarization of Youth (NNOMY) hopes to push against that trend and spark activist groups into action. We cannot wait three years for a change. Too much is at stake.

We are planning a webinar March 21 and we invite you to participate. This will be a round table discussion of ways in which you can become involved in counter recruiting. We will be talking about tabling at high schools, speaking to high school classrooms, forming peace clubs, leafleting at schools, community involvement, peaceful career opportunities, the need for social media campaigns. Each area will be presented by people that have been deeply involved in this work for a significant period.

 

We hope you can join us: Saturday, March 21, 11 – 12:30 PST/12 – 1:30 PM MST/1 – 2:30 CST/ 2 – 3:30 EST.

 

Your attendance is vital. Big or small, everything we do helps prevent a young person from making a decision they may regret (and often do).

 

Please RSVP for this event:

RSVP link: https://tinyurl.com/demilitarize2026

Featured

Trump’s Sick Campaign to Gamify Violence

  español

February 16, 2026 / Grace Segers, Tori Otten  / New Republic - Last November, during his address before McDonald’s investors, President Donald Trump—as he is wont to do during public speeches—went on one of his weird tangents. “And that plane went ‘pshh,’ like this,” he continued, diving his hand downward in an accompanying gesture. “You know, when it drops a bomb, it goes down very steeply, because that gives it a better angle, and, you know, more speed for the bomb.”

It was a characteristically glib illustration for Trump, as he narrated the experience of watching military planes drop bombs on Iran. The planes were described not in terms of the damage of their payload but rather by the sound they made as they levered inexorably downward. By now, we’re used to the way the president’s mind might lock onto something loud or shiny he sees on a screen, especially if those images provoke his enthusiasm or anger. But his play-by-play descriptions of bombs bursting in air is actually something his administration and his allies have long encouraged Americans to do: view their biggest atrocities through a gamified lens.

One demographic may be particularly susceptible to this kind of incitement, one for whom targeting an otherized population is viewed more as a game than as state-sanctioned violence: lonely, angry young men.

During the 2024 campaign, Trump made a concerted effort to market himself to this cohort. He appeared on multiple podcasts popular in the “manosphere,” a community that promotes misogyny and (often white) male supremacy. Since taking office a second time, Trump and his allies have continued to gamify many of their policy decisions, in a campaign to encourage their audience to transfer their online anger to the real world.

As they are increasingly siloed online, it becomes easier for young men to distance themselves from others, viewing all other perspectives as illegitimate or unimportant. If your experience is the only true version of reality, then other people become NPCs, or “nonplayable characters”—not individuals but mere background actors populating the scenes in your everyday life.

“You’re the protagonist in the same way that a player character in a game might be,” said Adrienne Massanari, an associate professor of communications at American University.

This perspective is frequently encouraged by the administration. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has given his missions names such as “Midnight Hammer” and “Southern Spear,” phrases that sound more like weapons in a game than actual military operations. (Hegseth also has a tattoo that reads “Deus Vult,” a slogan adopted by the far right that was popularized by the grand strategy computer game Crusader Kings II.) And Trump, of course, continues to enthusiastically describe military strikes with the use of sound effects, as if he were watching an action flick rather than bombs dropping on human beings.

Featured

When Personal Benefits Come at the Cost of Collective Harm

A Message to Young People Considering Military Enlistment

  español

March 2, 2026 / NNOMY staff / National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth - Many young people think about joining the military because the benefits are real: steady pay, health coverage, college tuition, job training, and a sense of direction at a time when life can feel uncertain. These are powerful incentives, especially when school is expensive, jobs are unstable, and families are under financial pressure. Recruiters know this, and they speak directly to those needs.

But there is a deeper question beneath the surface—one that every young person deserves the chance to consider honestly: What does it mean to accept personal benefits that may require participating in actions that cause harm to others? This is not a question about patriotism or politics. It is a question about moral agency, and about the kind of life you want to build for yourself.

Modern systems of violence do not depend on monstrous individuals. They depend on ordinary people who have been persuaded that their private needs—income, stability, a mortgage, a sense of belonging—can excuse their participation in actions that inflict extraordinary harm on others. This is the quiet moral transaction at the heart of many atrocities: the conversion of personal benefit into a shield against ethical responsibility. The question is not why institutions commit violence; institutions have clear incentives. The question is why individuals inside those institutions come to believe that their own survival or comfort can justify participating in the destruction of human life, including the lives of children.

Cuando los beneficios personales se obtienen a costa de daños colectivos

Un mensaje para los jóvenes que están considerando alistarse en el ejército

  English

2 de marzo de 2026 / Personal de NNOMY / Red Nacional Contra la Militarización de la Juventud - Muchos jóvenes consideran unirse al ejército porque los beneficios son reales: salario estable, cobertura médica, matrícula universitaria, capacitación laboral y un sentido de dirección en un momento en que la vida puede parecer incierta. Estos son incentivos poderosos, especialmente cuando la educación es cara, los empleos inestables y las familias están bajo presión financiera. Los reclutadores lo saben y se dirigen directamente a esas necesidades.

Pero hay una pregunta más profunda, una que todo joven merece la oportunidad de considerar honestamente: ¿Qué significa aceptar beneficios personales que pueden requerir participar en acciones que perjudican a otros? No se trata de patriotismo ni de política. Se trata de autonomía moral y del tipo de vida que quieres construir.

Los sistemas modernos de violencia no dependen de individuos monstruosos. Dependen de personas comunes y corrientes, convencidas de que sus necesidades privadas —ingresos, estabilidad, una hipoteca, sentido de pertenencia— pueden justificar su participación en acciones que infligen un daño extraordinario a otros. Esta es la transacción moral silenciosa que subyace a muchas atrocidades: la conversión del beneficio personal en un escudo contra la responsabilidad ética. La pregunta no es por qué las instituciones cometen violencia; las instituciones tienen incentivos claros. La pregunta es por qué los individuos dentro de esas instituciones llegan a creer que su propia supervivencia o bienestar pueden justificar su participación en la destrucción de vidas humanas, incluidas las de niños.

Educación, no alistamiento

  English

12 de enero de 2026 / Natasha Souza / NNOMY - El ejército fue parte de mi vida mucho antes de que tuviera la edad suficiente para entender lo que significaba la guerra.

Mi padre sirvió en el Ejército. De niño, el despliegue no era un debate político abstracto; era la realidad de nuestro hogar. Irak. Afganistán. Cada despliegue traía consigo un miedo silencioso que se instalaba en la vida cotidiana. Cada regreso traía alivio, junto con la comprensión de que algo había cambiado. El ejército no recluta a una sola persona; atrae a familias enteras a su órbita. Esa realidad rara vez se reconoce y casi nunca se les revela a los jóvenes que luego son objeto de reclutamiento.

Esa experiencia vivida es la razón por la que el reclutamiento militar en las escuelas plantea serias preocupaciones éticas.

Se aborda a los adolescentes en una etapa de desarrollo donde aún están desarrollando su capacidad para comprender las consecuencias a largo plazo. Se les anima a firmar contratos legalmente vinculantes, redactados en un lenguaje complejo, mientras se les presenta una narrativa de servicio cuidadosamente seleccionada. Los reclutadores enfatizan las oportunidades (beneficios educativos, capacitación laboral, estructura), mientras minimizan u omiten las realidades de la pérdida de autonomía, la obligación indefinida, el riesgo físico y psicológico, y la incapacidad de rechazar órdenes una vez alistados.

Subcategories

The NNOMY Opinion section is a new feature of our articles section. Writing on youth demilitarization issues is quite rare but we have discovered the beginning articles and notes being offered on this subject so we have decided to present them under an opinion category.  The articles presented do not necessarily reflect the views of the NNOMY Steering Committee.

General David Petraeus' rocky first days as a lecturer at the City University of New York Though the United States of America shares with other nations in a history of modern state militarism, the past 65 years following its consolidation as a world military power after World War II, has seen a shift away from previous democratic characterizations of the state.  The last thirty years, with the rise of the neo-conservative Reagan and Bush administrations (2), began the abandonment of moral justifications for democracy building replaced by  bellicose proclamations of the need and right to move towards a national project of global security by preemptive military force .

In the process of global military expansion, the US population has been subjected to an internal re-education to accept the role of the U.S. as consolidating its hegemonic rule internationally in the interest of liberal ideals of wealth creation and protectionism.

The average citizen has slowly come to terms with a stealthly increasing campaign of militarization domestically in media offerings; from television, movies and scripted news networks to reinforce the inevitability of a re-configured society as security state. The effect has begun a transformation of how, as citizens, we undertand our roles and viability as workers and families in relation to this security state. This new order has brought with it a shrinking public common and an increasing privatization of publicly held infrustructure; libraries, health clinics, schools and the expectation of diminished social benefits for the poor and middle-class. The national borders are being militarized as are our domestic police forces in the name of Homeland Security but largely in the interest of business. The rate and expansion of research and development for security industries and the government agencies that fund them, now represent the major growth sector of the U.S.economy. Additionally, as the U.S. economy continually shifts from productive capital to financial capital as the engine of growth for wealth creation and development, the corporate culture has seen its fortunes rise politically and its power over the public sector grow relatively unchallenged by a confused citizenry who are watching their social security and jobs diminishing.

How increasing cultural militarization effects our common future will likely manifest in increased public dissatisfaction with political leadership and economic strictures. Social movements within the peace community, like NNOMY, will need to expand their role of addressing the dangers of  militarists predating youth for military recruitment in school to giving more visibility to the additional dangers of the role of an influential militarized media, violent entertainment and play offerings effecting our youth in formation and a general increase and influence of the military complex in all aspects of our lives. We are confronted with a demand for a greater awareness of the inter-relationships of militarism in the entire landscape of domestic U.S. society.  Where once we could ignore the impacts of U.S. military adventurisms abroad, we are now faced with the transformation of our domestic comfort zone with the impacts of militarism in our day to day lives.

How this warning can be imparted in a meaningful way by a movement seeking to continue with the stated goals of counter-recruitment and public policy activism, and not loose itself in the process, will be the test for those activists, past and future, who take up the call to protect our youth from the cultural violence of militarism.

The "militarization of US culture" category will be an archive of editorials and articles about the increasing dangers we face as a people from those who are invested in the business of war. This page will serve as a resource for the NNOMY community of activists and the movement they represent moving into the future. The arguments presented in this archive will offer important realizations for those who are receptive to NNOMY's message of protecting our youth, and thus our entire society, of the abuses militarism plays upon our hopes for a sustainable and truly democratic society.

NNOMY

 

The Resources section covers the following topics:

News reports from the groups associated to the NNOMY Network including Social Media.

Reports from counter-recruitment groups and activists from the field. Includes information about action reports at recruiting centers and career fairs, school tabling, and actions in relation to school boards and state legislatures.

David SwansonDavid Swanson is the author of the new book, Daybreak: Undoing the Imperial Presidency and Forming a More Perfect Union, by Seven Stories Press and of the introduction to The 35 Articles of Impeachment and the Case for Prosecuting George W. Bush by Dennis Kucinich. In addition to cofounding AfterDowningStreet.org, he is the Washington director of Democrats.com and sits on the boards of a number of progressive organizations in Washington, DC.


Charlottesville Right Now: 11-10-11 David Swanson
David Swanson joins Coy to discuss Occupy Charlottesville, protesting Dick Cheney's visit to the University of Virginia, and his new book. -  Listen

Jorge MariscalJorge Mariscal is the grandson of Mexican immigrants and the son of a U.S. Marine who fought in World War II. He served in the U.S. Army in Vietnam and currently teaches at the University of California, San Diego.

Matt GuynnMatt Guynn plays the dual role of program director and coordinator for congregational organizing for On Earth Peace, building peace and nonviolence leadership within the 1000+ congregations of the Church of the Brethren across the United States and Puerto Rico. He previously served a co-coordinator of training for Christian Peacemaker Teams, serving as an unarmed accompanier with political refugees in Chiapas, Mexico, and offering or supporting trainings in the US and Mexico.

Rick JahnkowRick Jahnkow works for two San Diego-based anti-militarist organizations, the Project on Youth and Non-Military Opportunities and the Committee Opposed to Militarism and the Draft. He can be reached at: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Pat ElderPat Elder was a co-founder of the DC Antiwar Network (DAWN) and a member of the Steering Committee of the National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth, (NNOMY).  Pat is currently involved in a national campaign with the Women's International League for Peace & Freedom project, Military Poisons,  investigating on U.S. military base contamination domestically and internationally.  Pat’s work has prominently appeared in NSA documents tracking domestic peace groups.

 

All Documents:

Pat Elder - National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth

NNOMY periodically participates in or organizes events(e.i. conferences, rallies) with other organizations.

Answering Tough Questions about joining the military

The "Answering Tough Questions” category is focused on essential questions about military recruitment, military service, the ethics of organized violence, and human survival in war. Each question is something a young person might ask or encounter realistically from a military recruiter, a teacher, a family member, a peer,  or even a counter military recruiter activist — and each answer is concise, factual, and ethically grounded, without drifting into fear‑based messaging.

      https://nnomypeace.net/toughquestions

 

 

The Counter-recruitment Essentials section of the NNOMY web site covers the issues and actions spanning this type of activism. Bridging the difficult chasms between religious, veteran, educator, student, and community based activism is no small task. In this section you will find information on how to engage in CR activism in your school and community with the support of the knowledge of others who have been working to inform youth considering enlisting in the military. You will also find resources for those already in the military that are looking for some guidance on how to actively resist injustices  as a soldier or how to choose a path as a conscientious objector.

John Judge was a co-founder of the Committee for High School Options and Information on Careers, Education and Self-Improvement (CHOICES) in Washington DC, an organization engaged since 1985 in countering military recruitment in DC area high schools and educating young people about their options with regard to the military. Beginning with the war in Viet Nam, Judge was a life-long anti-war activist and tireless supporter of active-duty soldiers and veterans.

 

"It is our view that military enlistment puts youth, especially African American youth, at special risk, not only for combat duty, injury and fatality, but for military discipline and less than honorable discharge, which can ruin their chances for employment once they get out. There are other options available to them."


In the 1970's the Selective Service System and the paper draft became unworkable, requiring four induction orders to get one report. Boards  were under siege by anti-war and anti-draft forces, resistance of many kinds was rampant. The lottery system failed to dampen the dissent, since people who knew they were going to be drafted ahead of time became all the more active. Local draft board members quit in such numbers that even I was approached, as a knowledgeable draft counselor to join the board. I refused on the grounds that I could never vote anyone 1-A or eligible to go since I opposed conscription and the war.

At this point the Pentagon decided to replace the paper draft with a poverty draft, based on economic incentive and coercion. It has been working since then to draw in between 200-400,000 enlisted members annually. Soon after, they began to recruit larger numbers of women to "do the jobs men don't want to". Currently recruitment quotas are falling short, especially in Black communities, and reluctant parents are seen as part of the problem. The hidden problem is retention, since the military would have quadrupled by this time at that rate of enlistment, but the percentage who never finish their first time of enlistment drop out at a staggering rate.

I began bringing veterans of the Vietnam War into high schools in Dayton, Ohio in the late 1960s, and have continued since then to expose young people to the realities of military life, the recruiters' false claims and the risks in combat or out. I did it first through Vietnam Veterans Against the War/Winter Soldier Organization, then Dayton Draft & Military Counseling, and since 1985 in DC through C.H.O.I.C.E.S.

The key is to address the broader issues of militarization of the schools and privacy rights for students in community forums and at meetings of the school board and city council. Good counter-recruitment also provides alternatives in the civilian sector to help the poor and people of color, who are the first targets of the poverty draft, to find ways to break into the job market, go to a trade school, join an apprenticeship program, get job skills and placement help, and find money for college without enlisting in the military.

John Judge -- counselor, C.H.O.I.C.E.S.
 
Articles
References:
Videos
Tributes

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"darkroom" refers to spaces, often underground or private, where political actions or art are conducted away from public view, such as in the context of "underground scenes" that operate without state support or actions "hidden from the public scene".

An artifact is an object made, modified, or used by humans. While it most commonly refers to historical or archaeological items of cultural significance, the term is broadly used across multiple fields to describe physical or data-based creations. 

The fact is the artist made it.

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